{"id":2025,"date":"2021-03-08T12:21:21","date_gmt":"2021-03-08T08:51:21","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/charter-of-the-azerbaijan-democracy-and-development-associationodjaq\/"},"modified":"2025-11-09T01:15:51","modified_gmt":"2025-11-08T21:45:51","slug":"charter-of-odjaq","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/en\/charter-of-odjaq\/","title":{"rendered":"Charter of ODJAQ"},"content":{"rendered":"\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t

Charter of the Azerbaijan Democracy and Development Association
(ODJAQ)\n\n<\/h1>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t

ODJAQ<\/h3>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t

Table of Contents<\/h3>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
01<\/h6>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t

Introduction<\/a><\/h4>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
02<\/h6>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t

Historical Background<\/a><\/h4>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
03<\/h6>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t

Current Situation<\/a><\/h4>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
04<\/h6>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t

Roadmap of ODJAQ<\/a><\/h4>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
05<\/h6>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t

ODJAQ Principles<\/a><\/h4>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
06<\/h6>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t

ODJAQ Areas of Activity<\/a><\/h4>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
07<\/h6>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t

ODJAQ Priorities for Azerbaijan<\/a><\/h4>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
08<\/h6>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t

Necessity of Alliance for Common Interests<\/a><\/h4>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
01<\/h6>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t

Introduction<\/h3>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t

This document, titled \u201cCharter of the Azerbaijan Democracy and Development Association\u201d, provides a concise explanation and historical analysis of the current situation in Azerbaijan and Iran. It outlines the main issues and crises facing the region. The charter further elaborates on the principles and perspectives on which the Azerbaijan Democracy and Development Association (ODJAQ) was founded, aiming to address these crises. This text was ratified at the founding congress of the Association on December 10, 2023. <\/p>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t

\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
02<\/h6>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t

Historical Background<\/h3>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t

2.1. Global History<\/strong><\/span><\/p>

Since the signing of the Peace of Westphalia in 17th-century Europe, the world has witnessed the emergence of a new order based on the nation-state concept. Despite its ups and downs, this order remains the core of the contemporary global system. Most developed and democratic countries have overcome the early, often violent and ideological stages of nation-building. Following tragedies such as World War I and II and the rise of fascism, they sought to rectify past mistakes.
Where once national identity was based on discrimination and assimilation, modern democratic and human values have shifted the focus toward de-ideologizing national identity, moving away from dangerous, essentialist concepts such as soil, blood, and race.<\/p>

Today, a central human-rights and development debate is about ensuring minorities are no longer overshadowed by majorities, recognizing diversity, and guaranteeing equal rights for all, regardless of class, nationality, ethnicity, race, language, gender, religion, or belief.
Eliminating discrimination against national minorities is essential for sustainable development, with democratic governments prioritizing the protection of their cultural, social, economic, and political rights. Globalization and the rise of networked societies have further enabled stateless nations to assert their distinct political existence beyond national borders.<\/p>

2.2. History of Iran<\/strong><\/span><\/p>

The Constitutional Revolution marked a new chapter in Iran\u2019s history, representing efforts to overcome historical backwardness and enter the modern world. However, due to factors such as poverty, illiteracy, autocratic culture, and foreign interference, it failed a setback that continues to affect pro-democracy movements in Iran 125 years later.
In the short term, the revolution could not enact miracles, and personal dictatorship emerged through military coups. This paved the way for authoritarian regimes and Reza Khan\u2019s enforced modernization, leaving a legacy of deep developmental inequalities. A significant aspect of these historical contradictions is uneven development: Persian and Shia-majority regions developed more than non-Persian, Sunni-majority areas. This stems from Iran\u2019s modern nation-state structure, which is authoritarian and centered on Persian\/Shia hegemony.<\/p>

During the Pahlavi era, Aryan-centric nationalism sought to erase the political existence of Iran\u2019s nationalities, imposing the dominant Persian culture and language. After the 1979 revolution, Persian nationalism and Shi\u2019ism further intensified discrimination against Iran\u2019s nationalities. Central government policies compounded gender and class oppression, further hindering development.<\/p>

2.3. History of Azerbaijan<\/strong><\/span><\/p>

Azerbaijan has been at the heart of many modern, national, and democratic movements, including the Constitutional Revolution. However, the failure of these movements and the rise of the Pahlavi regime turned Azerbaijanis in Iran into one of the primary victims of discriminatory and racist policies.
In response, Azerbaijan established an autonomous national government in 1945\u20131946, introducing women\u2019s suffrage, land reforms, cultural, social, and political rights, and labor laws for the first time in Iran. This one-year national government remains a unique example of democratic and modernizing policies.<\/p>

After its suppression, a generation of Azerbaijani intellectuals and political elites was lost, and only from the late 1980s did a new generation of Azerbaijani thinkers emerge with national and democratic demands.
Over decades, discriminatory policies weakened Azerbaijan\u2019s political and economic position, threatening the existence of Turkish identity through forced cultural and linguistic assimilation. The 1979 Iranian revolution did not end these policies but intensified them under religious and authoritarian frameworks. Consequently, Azerbaijan\u2019s contemporary struggles focus on achieving national and democratic rights while also prioritizing gender, class, religious, and environmental concerns.<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t

\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
03<\/h6>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t

Current Situation<\/h3>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t

In recent years, the struggles of the Iranian people and the various political movements opposing the Islamic Republic have intensified to an unprecedented degree. It can now be stated that a broad national consensus has emerged in favor of bringing an end to the life of this regime. Nevertheless, as a result of the persistent mismanagement under both the Pahlavi monarchy and the Islamic Republic, Iran today faces profound crises and systemic challenges:<\/p>

  1. Mismanagement of Natural Resources and Environmental Crisis<\/strong>
    The Iranian economy, instead of being productive, sustainable, and globally competitive, remains dependent on the sale of underground resources. However, due to structural corruption, a lack of transparency, and the rent-seeking and patronage networks within the state apparatus, revenues generated from these resources are not invested in national development but are instead plundered by mafia-like entities such as the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).<\/li>
  2. Uneven Development and Regional Inequality<\/strong>
    Disproportionate and imbalanced development policies have deepened social and economic divides between the center and the peripheries, resulting in an unjust distribution of wealth and opportunities. Moreover, the continuation of linguistic and cultural homogenization policies has further marginalized regions inhabited by non-Persian nationalities, relegating them to the lowest levels of development in the country.<\/li>
  3. Systematic Oppression of Women and Gender Minorities<\/strong>
    Women remain among the primary victims of the patriarchal and misogynistic structure of the Islamic Republic. Laws derived from religious doctrine violate their most fundamental rights, including the freedom to choose their attire, while severely restricting personal and social liberties. These laws deny women equal access to opportunities and resources and systematically legitimize the violation of their rights. Furthermore, sexual and gender minorities endure severe persecution and discrimination under the current regime.<\/li>
  4. Religious Discrimination and Theocratic Rule<\/strong>
    The Islamic Republic of Iran is a Shiite theocracy in which Twelver Shiism is constitutionally enshrined as the official state religion. By relying on religious and jurisprudential doctrines, the regime systematically violates the fundamental rights of non-Muslims and non-Shiite Muslims, severely restricting freedom of belief and religious expression.<\/li>
  5. Suppression of Youth and Generational Conflict<\/strong>
    The Islamic Republic is governed by an aging elite that refuses to recognize or accommodate the values and aspirations of Iran\u2019s younger generations, whose worldview is increasingly aligned with global norms. Through coercive and repressive policies, the regime limits the social and individual freedoms of the youth.<\/li>
  6. Widening Class Inequality and Economic Hardship<\/strong>
    As a direct consequence of governmental inefficiency and the collapse of the national economy, class-based discrimination and inequality have sharply increased. Low-income groups, workers, and marginalized communities constitute the primary victims of this deteriorating socio-economic situation.<\/li>
  7. Regional Adventurism and International Isolation<\/strong>
    The Islamic Republic\u2019s interventionist foreign policies, including support for terrorist and fundamentalist groups aimed at expanding the so-called \u201cShiite Crescent,\u201d along with its antagonistic global posture, have led to Iran\u2019s regional and international isolation. National revenues are squandered on these futile pursuits, while their economic and social burdens fall upon the Iranian people.<\/li>
  8. Emergence of Extremist Tendencies<\/strong>
    A century of authoritarian rule and the suppression of civil and political institutions have given rise to extremist, totalitarian, and reactionary tendencies both within the ruling elite and among segments of the opposition and society at large.<\/li>
  9. Brain Drain and Loss of Human Capital<\/strong>
    Owing to ongoing instability, insecurity, and the absence of a hopeful vision for the future, large numbers of educated young Iranians have emigrated. This sustained exodus threatens to erode the nation\u2019s human capital and deprive Iran of its skilled and innovative workforce in the long term.<\/li><\/ol>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t
    \n\t\t\t\t
    \n\t\t\t\t
    \n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
    \n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t
    \n\t\t\t\t\t
    \n\t\t
    \n\t\t\t\t\t
    \n\t\t
    \n\t\t\t\t
    \n\t\t\t\t
    \n\t\t\t\t\t
    04<\/h6>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
    \n\t\t\t\t
    \n\t\t\t\t\t

    Roadmap of ODJAQ<\/h3>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
    \n\t\t\t\t
    \n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
    \n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t
    \n\t\t\t\t
    \n\t\t\t\t
    \n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t

    From the perspective of the Azerbaijan Democracy and Development Association<\/strong>, the only way out of the current crisis lies in moving beyond the anti-popular regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran. We also categorically reject any return to reactionary systems such as monarchy or any form of ideological government. We believe that a federal, secular, and democratic government<\/strong> in Iran provides the best framework for guaranteeing the fundamental rights of its people.<\/p>

    It must be emphasized that our understanding of democracy does not reduce it merely to holding elections or promoting majority rule\u2014which, in effect, can amount to the tyranny of the majority. Such interpretations of democracy, especially in societies like Iran, have done little to address national issues or eliminate discrimination against minorities, and in the long run, they risk leading to the resurgence of authoritarian and autocratic regimes.<\/p>

    For us, one of the main priorities of democracy is the protection and recognition of minority rights<\/strong>. Therefore, in light of Iran\u2019s political and social realities, we advocate for a pluralistic, participatory, and multicultural democracy<\/strong> for the country\u2019s future.<\/p>

    Any democratic and peaceful solution for Iran\u2019s future must be grounded in the resolution of four key axes of discrimination<\/strong>:<\/p>

    • National\/ethnic discrimination,<\/li>
    • Religious\/sectarian discrimination,<\/li>
    • Gender-based discrimination, and<\/li>
    • Class-based discrimination.<\/li><\/ul>

      Hence, we regard any attempt to reduce Iran\u2019s democratic struggle merely to the issue of religious despotism as a deviation from the people\u2019s genuine movement for democracy. While much of the opposition discourse to the Islamic Republic tends to focus on religious tyranny and, thanks to persistent feminist struggles, the women\u2019s issue has gained relative attention, as has the class issue due to the legacy of leftist movements, the \u201cnational question\u201d or \u201cnational crisis\u201d<\/strong> continues to be denied or marginalized. It holds little to no place in the programs of most opposition groups. This policy of denial renders genuine unity among political forces striving for change impossible and undermines the domestic cooperation and reconciliation necessary for the future development of Iranian society.<\/p>

      We believe that one of the primary obstacles to democracy and modernity in contemporary Iran<\/strong> is precisely this unresolved \u201cnational question.\u201d The two main pillars of authoritarianism in modern Iranian history, Persian-Shiite nationalism<\/strong> and centralism<\/strong> have systematically targeted the political existence of Iran\u2019s diverse nationalities. As long as these structures persist, the realization of democracy in Iran will remain unattainable. Therefore, a fundamental rethinking of Iran\u2019s nation-state structure is required. The century-long struggles of non-Persian nationalities for their basic rights must be acknowledged, and their legitimate demands must be explicitly and transparently integrated into the political agendas of all democratic movements.<\/p>

      Addressing the crises in all these domains requires drawing upon successful international experiences<\/strong>. This endeavor can only succeed in an atmosphere defined by a deep commitment to peace, equality, and mutual understanding in domestic politics, and through win-win opportunities<\/strong> based on mutual respect in foreign policy.<\/p>

      A democratic, federal, and secular system<\/strong> remains the most effective and globally tested model for a multinational state such as Iran. Such a governmental structure, while ensuring equal opportunities for all citizens and eliminating all forms of identity-based inequality and discrimination, must also guarantee internal peace, advance scientific and educational excellence to levels comparable with developed nations, and foster a productive, innovative economy<\/strong> capable of competing in global markets.<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t

      \n\t\t\t\t
      \n\t\t\t\t
      \n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
      \n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t
      \n\t\t\t\t\t
      \n\t\t
      \n\t\t\t\t\t
      \n\t\t
      \n\t\t\t\t
      \n\t\t\t\t
      \n\t\t\t\t\t
      05<\/h6>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
      \n\t\t\t\t
      \n\t\t\t\t\t

      ODJAQ Principles<\/h3>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
      \n\t\t\t\t
      \n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
      \n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t
      \n\t\t\t\t
      \n\t\t\t\t
      \n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t

      The Azerbaijan Democracy and Development Association<\/strong> believes in the following principles and is committed to making every effort to realize them:<\/p>

      1. Participatory democracy with decentralization and fair wealth distribution.<\/li>
      2. Secularism: freedom of belief and separation of religion from government.<\/li>
      3. Gender equality.<\/li>
      4. Identity pluralism against racism and assimilation policies.<\/li>
      5. Right to self-determination via a federal structure within Iran.<\/li>
      6. Environmental protection.<\/li>
      7. Individual rights and freedoms.<\/li>
      8. Social justice, workers\u2019 rights, and support for unions.<\/li>
      9. Rights of children, elderly, and persons with disabilities.<\/li>
      10. Full respect for international law and the principle of peace in international relations.<\/li><\/ol>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t
        \n\t\t\t\t
        \n\t\t\t\t
        \n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
        \n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t
        \n\t\t\t\t\t
        \n\t\t
        \n\t\t\t\t\t
        \n\t\t
        \n\t\t\t\t
        \n\t\t\t\t
        \n\t\t\t\t\t
        06<\/h6>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
        \n\t\t\t\t
        \n\t\t\t\t\t

        ODJAQ Areas of Activity<\/h3>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
        \n\t\t\t\t
        \n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
        \n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t
        \n\t\t\t\t
        \n\t\t\t\t
        \n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t

        • The Azerbaijan Democracy and Development Association <\/strong>aims to build a political-administrative structure based on the following principles:<\/p>

          1. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Two Covenants<\/strong>
            (The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights) must be recognized as national law in Iran. The provisions of these conventions should be fully incorporated into every clause of the country\u2019s legislation, and any laws contradicting them must be deemed invalid and abolished.<\/li>
          2. Secular State<\/strong>
            The state must treat all religious, sectarian, and ideological beliefs equally. No governmental institution or official should make decisions based on religion or religious beliefs.<\/li>
          3. Gender and Sexual Identity<\/strong>
            Legal equality based on gender and sexual identity must be guaranteed by the constitution. The implementation of this principle at all levels of society should be subject to continuous monitoring. In this regard, the rights of other sexual and gender minorities must also be explicitly protected.<\/li>
          4. Linguistic and Cultural Justice<\/strong>
            Equality and justice in linguistic and cultural rights must be constitutionally guaranteed. Every nationality and community must have the right to preserve, develop, and promote its own language and culture freely, without discrimination or state interference.<\/li>
          5. Public Oversight<\/strong>
            The independence of the legislative, executive, and judicial branches must be guaranteed by the constitution. Their activities should be subject to scrutiny by strong, professional media and independent non-governmental organizations. All proposed laws must, within a defined timeframe, be reviewed and discussed with relevant government institutions, the private sector, labor unions, and civil organizations, and their opinions must be taken into account by parliamentary committees.<\/li>
          6. Establishment of a Decentralized Government<\/strong>
            Centralism must be eliminated from Iran\u2019s governmental structure. Drawing on the most successful international examples, legislative and executive affairs should, as much as possible, involve citizens and grant nationalities the right to administer their own internal affairs. A modern, efficient state and its institutions should replace the existing flawed, costly, and bloated bureaucracy.<\/li>
          7. Economic Development through De-escalation and Global Engagement<\/strong>
            Iran must transition from a rentier economy dependent on natural resource exports to a productive and competitive economy capable of thriving in global markets. To achieve this, the country\u2019s political and economic priorities should focus on fostering international relations, attracting investment, and strengthening regional cooperation based on mutual respect and development.<\/li>
          8. Social Justice<\/strong>
            All development programs and projects must aim to create a welfare-oriented society, ensure the rights of all social groups, and eliminate all forms of discrimination. All professional sectors and labor groups must have the right to establish organizations to defend their interests.<\/li>
          9. Environmental Protection and Restoration<\/strong>
            Environmental sustainability must be the foremost condition for approving any project. Addressing current environmental challenges through scientific approaches and with the participation of universities and specialized institutions must be a national priority.<\/li><\/ol><\/li><\/ul>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t
            \n\t\t\t\t
            \n\t\t\t\t
            \n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
            \n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t
            \n\t\t\t\t\t
            \n\t\t
            \n\t\t\t\t\t
            \n\t\t
            \n\t\t\t\t
            \n\t\t\t\t
            \n\t\t\t\t\t
            07<\/h6>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
            \n\t\t\t\t
            \n\t\t\t\t\t

            ODJAQ Priorities for Azerbaijan<\/h3>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
            \n\t\t\t\t
            \n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
            \n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t
            \n\t\t\t\t
            \n\t\t\t\t
            \n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t

            The distinguished historical experience of Azerbaijan during and after the Constitutional Revolution was an effort to establish a democratic, national, and modern governance system in Iran. Unfortunately, this movement was suppressed with the rise of Reza Khan\u2019s dictatorship. During that era, Azerbaijan sought to establish a model of pluralistic and decentralized modernity in Iran, expressed through participatory democracy and the formation of provincial and local councils. This vision reached its highest realization during the one-year period of the National Government of Azerbaijan. Despite severe repression of this alternative by the central government throughout modern history, Azerbaijan has continued to pursue this idea through peaceful and civic means.<\/p>

            In this context, the Azerbaijan Democracy and Development Association <\/strong>calls for the alliance and solidarity of Iran\u2019s nationalities and their participation in establishing a democratic, secular, and federal government<\/strong> in Iran. Within this framework, the Center focuses primarily on the comprehensive and sustainable development of Azerbaijan and on securing the national rights and individual and collective freedoms of its people. To achieve these goals, the Center prioritizes the following key areas:<\/p>

            1. Ending Monolingualism in Iran<\/strong>
              The Turkish language, alongside other languages of Iran\u2019s non-Persian nationalities, must be officially recognized in the constitution as one of the country\u2019s official languages. In daily affairs, including education in Azerbaijan and other Turkish-majority regions, the Turkish language should take precedence. The decision on the intermediary or common language must be made through democratic mechanisms.<\/li>
            2. Decentralization and the Transition to Federalism<\/strong>
              Ending centralization in Iran\u2019s political and administrative structure and transitioning to a federal system is one of the core demands of Azerbaijani Turks, as well as other non-Persian nationalities. This transformation marks the beginning of recognizing the political existence of Iran\u2019s nationalities and ensuring a fair distribution of power, wealth, and dignity among them. It represents the most democratic and peaceful approach to resolving this fundamental issue.<\/li>
            3. Balanced Economic Development and Compensation for Discrimination<\/strong>
              Azerbaijan has been one of the main victims of unbalanced development policies in Iran. To remedy the economic underdevelopment caused by long-standing discriminatory practices, compensatory measures must be adopted. Currently, much of the income from Azerbaijan\u2019s mines and non-currency export revenues is diverted to central regions instead of being invested in the development of Azerbaijan. As a result, the Azerbaijani provinces remain among the most deprived and underdeveloped areas of Iran. In a future federal Iran, these revenues must be reinvested in the advancement and prosperity of Azerbaijan.<\/li>
            4. Migration and Assimilation<\/strong>
              Azerbaijan faces a serious migration crisis, with large numbers of people moving from Turkish-speaking regions to central Iran. This has led to widespread assimilation and the erosion of human capital in the region. These migrations, which have altered Azerbaijan\u2019s demographic composition, are rooted in poverty and unequal access to resources and job opportunities. It is essential to counter this trend by eliminating discrimination, promoting balanced development, and creating conditions for the voluntary return of migrants to Azerbaijan.<\/li>
            5. Child Marriage and Social Justice<\/strong>
              Poverty and deprivation, combined with state propaganda, have led to a rise in child marriages in some parts of Azerbaijan. Statistically, the Azerbaijani provinces have some of the highest rates of child marriage in Iran. This situation must be addressed through the adoption of deterrent laws and through social and cultural education in accordance with international conventions on women\u2019s and children\u2019s rights.<\/li>
            6. Environmental Protection<\/strong>
              Like other regions of Iran, Azerbaijan\u2019s environment has suffered greatly from unsustainable development, governmental inefficiency, and systemic corruption. The drying up of Lake Urmia stands as one of the most tragic examples of this crisis. To address this environmental catastrophe, future policies must draw on international expertise and advanced technologies, prioritizing ecological considerations in all development and progress plans.<\/li>
            7. Protection of Minority Rights<\/strong>
              The rights of national, religious, and faith-based minorities in Azerbaijan\u2014including the right to mother-tongue education and freedom of belief, religion, and cultural expression\u2014must be strictly observed and guaranteed.<\/li><\/ol>

              Strategic and Diplomatic Role of Azerbaijan<\/strong>
              Owing to its strategic and geopolitical position, Azerbaijan can serve as a key center of peace-oriented diplomacy and regional cooperation in Iran\u2019s future. Its proximity to four neighboring countries, along with shared linguistic, cultural, historical, and religious ties, provides a solid foundation for developing regional cultural and economic diplomacy.<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t

              \n\t\t\t\t
              \n\t\t\t\t
              \n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
              \n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t
              \n\t\t\t\t\t
              \n\t\t
              \n\t\t\t\t\t
              \n\t\t
              \n\t\t\t\t
              \n\t\t\t\t
              \n\t\t\t\t\t
              08<\/h6>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
              \n\t\t\t\t
              \n\t\t\t\t\t

              Necessity of Alliance for Common Interests<\/h3>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
              \n\t\t\t\t
              \n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
              \n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t
              \n\t\t\t\t
              \n\t\t\t\t
              \n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t

              Undoubtedly, the most rational way to overcome shared challenges is for all parties to come together, find a common language, and develop a joint plan of action. From this perspective, it is essential today to unite with other democratic forces in order to confront the Islamic Republic of Iran and to achieve our shared aspirations. In this regard, the Azerbaijan Democracy and Development Association <\/strong>emphasizes the necessity of forming joint fronts and pursuing purposeful, collective action toward common goals in all areas.<\/p>

              \u015e\u00fcbh\u0259siz ki, \u00fcmumi probleml\u0259ri aradan qald\u0131rma\u011f\u0131n \u0259n m\u0259ntiqli yolu b\u00fct\u00fcn t\u0259r\u0259fl\u0259rin bir araya g\u0259l\u0259r\u0259k ortaq plan t\u0259qdim etm\u0259si olacaqd\u0131r. Bu n\u00f6qteyi-n\u0259z\u0259rd\u0259n bu g\u00fcn \u0130ran \u0130slam Respublikas\u0131 il\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131-qar\u015f\u0131ya g\u0259lm\u0259k v\u0259 \u00fcmumi m\u0259qs\u0259dl\u0259r\u0259 \u00e7atmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn dig\u0259r demokratik q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259rl\u0259 birl\u0259\u015fm\u0259k laz\u0131md\u0131r. Bu bax\u0131mdan Az\u0259rbaycan Oca\u011f\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn sah\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 \u00fcmumi m\u0259qs\u0259dl\u0259r\u0259 \u00e7atmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn vahid c\u0259bh\u0259nin yarad\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n, m\u0259qs\u0259dy\u00f6nl\u00fc v\u0259 kollektiv h\u0259r\u0259kat\u0131n z\u0259ruriliyin\u0259 inan\u0131r.<\/p>

              Son<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t

              \n\t\t\t\t
              \n\t\t\t\t
              \n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
              \n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\tEND\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

              Charter of the Azerbaijan Democracy and Development Association(ODJAQ) ODJAQ Table of Contents 01 Introduction 02 Historical Background 03 Current Situation 04 Roadmap of ODJAQ 05 ODJAQ Principles 06 ODJAQ Areas of Activity 07 ODJAQ Priorities for Azerbaijan 08 Necessity of Alliance for Common Interests 01 Introduction This document, titled \u201cCharter of the Azerbaijan Democracy and […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"_uag_custom_page_level_css":"","site-sidebar-layout":"no-sidebar","site-content-layout":"page-builder","ast-site-content-layout":"default","site-content-style":"default","site-sidebar-style":"default","ast-global-header-display":"","ast-banner-title-visibility":"","ast-main-header-display":"","ast-hfb-above-header-display":"","ast-hfb-below-header-display":"","ast-hfb-mobile-header-display":"","site-post-title":"disabled","ast-breadcrumbs-content":"disabled","ast-featured-img":"disabled","footer-sml-layout":"","theme-transparent-header-meta":"enabled","adv-header-id-meta":"","stick-header-meta":"","header-above-stick-meta":"","header-main-stick-meta":"","header-below-stick-meta":"","astra-migrate-meta-layouts":"default","ast-page-background-enabled":"default","ast-page-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"tablet":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"mobile":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""}},"ast-content-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"tablet":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"mobile":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""}},"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-2025","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"yoast_head":"\nCharter of ODJAQ - \u0627\u0648\u062c\u0627\u0642<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/az\/m\u0259ramnam\u0259\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Charter of ODJAQ\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Charter of the Azerbaijan Democracy and Development Association(ODJAQ) ODJAQ Table of Contents 01 Introduction 02 Historical Background 03 Current Situation 04 Roadmap of ODJAQ 05 ODJAQ Principles 06 ODJAQ Areas of Activity 07 ODJAQ Priorities for Azerbaijan 08 Necessity of Alliance for Common Interests 01 Introduction This document, titled \u201cCharter of the Azerbaijan Democracy and […]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/az\/m\u0259ramnam\u0259\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"\u0627\u0648\u062c\u0627\u0642\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2025-11-08T21:45:51+00:00\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"15 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/az\/m%c9%99ramnam%c9%99\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/az\/m%c9%99ramnam%c9%99\/\",\"name\":\"Charter of ODJAQ - \u0627\u0648\u062c\u0627\u0642\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/#website\"},\"datePublished\":\"2021-03-08T08:51:21+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2025-11-08T21:45:51+00:00\",\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/az\/m%c9%99ramnam%c9%99\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/az\/m%c9%99ramnam%c9%99\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/az\/m%c9%99ramnam%c9%99\/#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Home\",\"item\":\"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/en\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"Charter of ODJAQ\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/\",\"name\":\"\u0627\u0648\u062c\u0627\u0642\",\"description\":\"\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO Premium plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Charter of ODJAQ - \u0627\u0648\u062c\u0627\u0642","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/az\/m\u0259ramnam\u0259\/","og_locale":"en_US","og_type":"article","og_title":"Charter of ODJAQ","og_description":"Charter of the Azerbaijan Democracy and Development Association(ODJAQ) ODJAQ Table of Contents 01 Introduction 02 Historical Background 03 Current Situation 04 Roadmap of ODJAQ 05 ODJAQ Principles 06 ODJAQ Areas of Activity 07 ODJAQ Priorities for Azerbaijan 08 Necessity of Alliance for Common Interests 01 Introduction This document, titled \u201cCharter of the Azerbaijan Democracy and […]","og_url":"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/az\/m\u0259ramnam\u0259\/","og_site_name":"\u0627\u0648\u062c\u0627\u0642","article_modified_time":"2025-11-08T21:45:51+00:00","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_misc":{"Est. reading time":"15 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/az\/m%c9%99ramnam%c9%99\/","url":"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/az\/m%c9%99ramnam%c9%99\/","name":"Charter of ODJAQ - \u0627\u0648\u062c\u0627\u0642","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/#website"},"datePublished":"2021-03-08T08:51:21+00:00","dateModified":"2025-11-08T21:45:51+00:00","breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/az\/m%c9%99ramnam%c9%99\/#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"en-US","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/az\/m%c9%99ramnam%c9%99\/"]}]},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/az\/m%c9%99ramnam%c9%99\/#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Home","item":"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/en\/"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"Charter of ODJAQ"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/#website","url":"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/","name":"\u0627\u0648\u062c\u0627\u0642","description":"","potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"en-US"}]}},"uagb_featured_image_src":{"full":false,"thumbnail":false,"medium":false,"medium_large":false,"large":false,"1536x1536":false,"2048x2048":false},"uagb_author_info":{"display_name":"\u0627\u062f\u0645\u06cc\u0646","author_link":"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/en\/author\/azdemocracy-org\/"},"uagb_comment_info":0,"uagb_excerpt":"Charter of the Azerbaijan Democracy and Development Association(ODJAQ) ODJAQ Table of Contents 01 Introduction 02 Historical Background 03 Current Situation 04 Roadmap of ODJAQ 05 ODJAQ Principles 06 ODJAQ Areas of Activity 07 ODJAQ Priorities for Azerbaijan 08 Necessity of Alliance for Common Interests 01 Introduction This document, titled \u201cCharter of the Azerbaijan Democracy and…","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/2025","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2025"}],"version-history":[{"count":8,"href":"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/2025\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2120,"href":"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/2025\/revisions\/2120"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/azdemocracy.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2025"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}